Write-In Jack Lindblad for March 3, 2015 Primary? Analysis: Bid for Los Angeles City Council Second District Seat

North Hollywood, CA (for immediate release) December 24, 2014

Registered Voters from Studio City to North Hollywood, Valley Glen, Valley Village, gerrymandered parts of Sun Valley and Van Nuys, signed nominating petitions for Jack Lindblad’s City Council campaign totaling 609 signatures from November 8 to December 3, over only 25 days, having to yield 500 City Clerk-validated, at an expected pass rate of 82 percent.

Lindblad personally canvassed 3000 folks for valid signers in 25 days in his non-partisan, Independent, not Democrat or Republican duopolist, Green Party registered and endorsed City Council campaign.

Lindblad found his three main issues resounding with District constituent concerns, around a common theme of meeting California’s 2020 Climate mandate (Assembly Bill 32) to reduce greenhouse gases by at least one-third from 1990 levels and a renewable energy, green-driven economy:

1) Developers must be curbed, and under state law, prove 20 year water supply in our permanent drought. Lacking accountability, the state water budget allocates one acre foot for a family of four while Los Angeles City claims aquifer recharge, recycling and conservation puts per capita use at one-half acre foot per year. Opposition is merited, nixing Harvard-Westlake School expansion that proposes a pedestrian bridge over Coldwater Canyon Avenue, over the concerns of neighborhood to maintain quality of life. Organized groups for a Park is desirous rather than a major senior housing development at the present Studio City Weddington Golf and Tennis facility. Transit-oriented districts such as North Hollywood’s Red Line Station would be an appropriate site for mid-rise senior housing.

2) Assembly Bill 2470 countermands and takes precedent over any City resolution to establish for our locally grown food safety by allowing pesticide corporate interests such as Monsanto, DuPont, Bayer, Dow, BASF and Syngenta in cooperation with profiteering Kraft Foods to spray known carcinogens and infectious disease propellants freely as they deem over public and private property. AB 2470 must be rescinded to provide Los Angeles a GMO-free and pesticide-free sanctuary.

3) Campaigning for California Assembly in 2010, Candidate Lindblad polled constituents along Van Nuys Boulevard querying if the old red line returns as Light Rail. To a constituent, the resounding answer was yes. Metro was inspired enough to begin studying, later selecting Van Nuys Boulevard as the corridor and advanced light rail as the mode. Activists have picked up the banner in the fight for the Valley’s fair share of the transit dollar, being light rail on Van Nuys Boulevard, connecting Ventura Boulevard to Van Nuys Amtrak/Metrolink to Sylmar/San Fernando Amtrak/Metrolink and seven historic community centers with transit-oriented, pedestrian-friendly, mixed-use development.

Lindblad expended the effort, personally exacting prequalification of 529 signers.

Lindblad details: “Coupled to having a bare knuckles amount of possible valid nominating signatures, was a backer’s decision not to honor their filing fee pledge. With the required $300 filing fee not fulfilled due to a failed pledge, no filing for the ballot occurred. Who lost were all District constituents and those supporting the campaign, never knowing if 609 signatures collected to attain ballot status for the March 3 2015 Primary for City Council District 2 were enough to meet the requirement for 500 being deemed valid. We may have been one signature off or right on the money. But we will never know, given the number of signatures gathered, if we made the March 3, 2015 Primary ballot.  If we had, we would have been one of two challengers to the incumbent. My past campaigns for State office yielded a 2/3 pass rate. Only my gathering, 40 or so signatures, for Green Party County Councilmember yielded an 80 percent pass rate.”

The same drill to gather 300 valid voter signatures for a write-in status looms January 5th. The decision to air, discuss and engage constituents with District issues, and to offer voters an option to write-in himself on the ballot, remains with Mr. Lindblad.

Exploring his possible write-in campaign, Mr Lindblad says: “A serious look at a write-in campaign is warranted, to oust the incumbent, given the opportunity missed to make the ballot. The well-off, comfortable, entertainment industry lawyer incumbent, yet another termed-out state legislator playing musical chairs with electoral office, favors his special interests, while the rest of us are left to die off from corporatist extinction protocol profiteering. The incumbent lawyer plies his lawyering up to for his lucrative livelihood. He talks the talk but does not walk the walk.”

“My experience gives me a different trajectory. Being an architect, planner, community activist delivering environmental justice, taught me to practice risk management and to conserve public funds, not to squander, what lawyering up yields. To represent people, not corporatist interests, we can not find justice with exorbitant lawsuits settling any or all of governmental fraud, killings with impunity, abuse of power, lack of providing integral transport, walkable sidewalks and drivable streets, adequate local water resilience, locally grown food free of pesticides and GMO. That is a criminal betrayal of the public trust and the common good.”

“The political will must recognize the overwhelming scientific consensus tells us our consumption path, business as usual, causes increasingly severe catastrophic extreme climate events reflecting unaffordable social costs and near term mass extinction. Los Angeles deserves not bankrupting mitigation measures, rather adaptation to offer a future borne of sober assessment, game-changing ideas and paradigm change.”

– 30 –

For more information: Jack Lindblad, 818 785-2724

About Candidate Jack Lindblad (with link to bio):
Jack is passionate about Los Angeles and optimistic about restoring the California dream. He has a basic plan for Los Angeles: he will focus on job creation, basic city services and creating a sustainable environment.

Lindblad is an award-winning architect and planner, a long-time community activist – and a man we can trust to work for Second District constituents.

Lindblad will be a disruptive force in City Hall, energetically fighting for his constituents while seeking to shine a light on the backroom deals that help special interests while hurting Angelenos. Jack is a fighter that will not give up, will not be bought and will restore integrity to public service.

Disclaimer: “Paid for by Lindblad For City Council 2015, 8211 Shadyglade Avenue, North Hollywood. Additional information is available at ethics.lacity.org.”


Five Keys to Electoral Reform: Political parties only defeat effective governance and the implosion of duopoly is our call for reconstructing ourselves to effective local regional governance.

Here is the expansion on Five Keys in seeing Electoral Reform.

Keys To Change To make our elections fair and truly democratic, we must eliminate the winner-take-all election system where a 50% plus one majority imposes its will on the other 50% of the population. We can remove the untoward, conflicted influence of money over politics, our continuance as a civilization, and reduce the amounts spent in elections with these Five Electoral Reforms to our elections system:

1. Public Financing – End the corrupting power of corporate money; candidates can seek public support for issues and for science-based policy – not chasing after and becoming beholden to big money. http://www.brennancenter.org/content/section/category/public_financing

2. Proportional Representation – For legislative contests, PR gives representation to voters from both minority and majority constituencies. Blocs of like-minded voters win representation in multi-seat districts in proportion to their voting strength. Candidates with 22% of the vote get 22% representation for their 22% of the constituency. The US Constitution is founded on the precepts of a minoritarian democracy – that the right of the minority cannot be removed by the majority – nor can the rights of the majority be removed by the minority. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federalist_No._10

How To Enact Progressive Policy – By Steven Hill and Rob Richie Published March 1st 2003 in Progressive Populist

defunct link was: http://bostonreview.net/BR23.1/richie.html



defunct link was: http://bostonreview.net/BR23.1/jsmill.html


3. Preferential Voting – Such as Instant Run-off Voting (IRV) for statewide constitutional office. Also known as Ranked Choice Voting or Single-Transferable Vote. Voters rank choices. (1st, 2nd, 3rd,…) With no majority given to any candidate, your vote goes to your next choice. With enough ranked-choice votes, your choice may prevail. No wasted votes. No spoilers. No waste of taxpayer money on repetitious elections. http://sfpublicpress.org/news/2012-07/ranked-choice-voting-survives-in-san-francisco-after-supervisors-decision


4. Overthrow Prop 14s Top Two – Unless Top Two is overthrown, Democrat on Democrat and Republican on Republican Big Money-decided elections seating electeds who do not represent People will grow and dominate the Legislature, and increasingly steeper challenges to remaining smaller ballot-status parties will result in smaller parties dropping off the ballot, leaving voters with two parties that do not represent much of the political spectrum. In California, fully 26% would be disenfranchised with 21% of the electorate ‘No party preference’ and 5% given to smaller parties that will drop off the ballot.



5. De-politicize Parties – Washington on the vexations of political parties in his 1796 Farewell address – capping his two terms as POTUS.

side-note: Putting ‘parties ‘ in bold italics was this poster referencing.

‘In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?

To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.

All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.

However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.

Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.

It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.

There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.’




miscellaneous citations:

The Impact of Public Financing on Electoral
Competition: Evidence from Arizona and Maine
Neil Malhotra, Stanford University

Public Funding of
Judicial Elections:
Financing Campaigns
for Fair and Impartial
by Deborah Goldberg

Public Financing Would Mean Cheaper Elections
by Mike McCabe